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Women of Chididi

Haitian women, many of them victims of sexual violence, receive sewing lessons | Photo: Tracy Wilkinson / Los Angeles Times)Haitian women, many of them victims of sexual violence, receive sewing lessons | Photo: Tracy Wilkinson / Los Angeles Times)

Haiti women and girls badly neglected in recovery efforts

Nearly 20 months after Haiti's devastating earthquake, women and girls have been badly neglected in recovery efforts, subjected to sexual violence and left without access to obstetric care even as they give birth to scores of babies in squalid tent cities, human rights activists say.

Despite a mammoth humanitarian-care push in the wake of the Jan. 12, 2010, quake that killed as many as 300,000 people, serious gaps exist in the healthcare that women and girls are receiving, according to a report released Tuesday by the New York-based Human Rights Watch.

Pregnant women reported having to give birth in alleyways or on floors; being unable to afford transportation to hospitals, and not having access to prenatal care.

Human Rights Watch also documented widespread sexual violence and "transactional sex," where women trade sex for food or other basic survival needs. Three girls, ages 14 and 15, and three women interviewed by the organization had become pregnant through rape but had been too fearful or too ashamed to seek help.

Report: Nobody Remembers UsThe 78-page Human Rights Watch report is entitled "Nobody Remembers Us."

"It is inconceivable that, 18 months after the quake, with so much money pledged … that women and girls are giving birth in muddy tents," Amanda Klasing, the report's main author and a fellow in the group's women's rights division, said in a telephone interview from Port-au-Prince, the Haitian capital.

Most Haitians face extraordinary hardships even today. More than half a million continue to live in ramshackle collections of tents with minimal sanitation. Food and jobs are scarce, a cholera epidemic persists and street violence is on the rise.

It's worse for women, largely excluded from the reconstruction process despite their importance to the informal economy, the report's authors said. In a country already beset by the highest maternal mortality rate in the Western Hemisphere before the quake, women and girls face unwanted pregnancies, unhealthy conditions for their children, a lack of access to education, poverty and the risk of eviction from already precarious living quarters.

Heavy rains this time of year also add to the woes by flooding tents and spreading filth. Very little post-rape care has been made available to the majority of female victims.

"The earthquake has exacerbated the vulnerabilities of this already vulnerable group," the report says.

Klasing said resorting to "survival sex" by women had become common. Women trade sex for food as a way to provide for themselves and their families. "You have to eat," a woman named Gheslaine, who lives in the crowded Croix-des-Bouquets camp outside Port-au-Prince, told the investigators.

Tragically, Klasing said, the women's lack of access to healthcare comes despite numerous international programs that exist in Port-Au-Prince which could help. The Haitian government has failed to distribute information about available care to females in the camps and has failed to protect them, the report says.

The group noted that of $5.3 billion pledged by international donors after the quake, $258 million was dedicated to healthcare — of which only $118.4 million has been disbursed.

"For all women and girls in Haiti," the report concludes, "fulfillment of their rights to reproductive and maternal health and to live free of violence is fundamental to any effort to rebuild their lives after the devastation and disruption caused by the earthquake."

~

Human Rights Watch

Report: Nobody Remembers Us

Maternal Health

Haiti has the highest maternal mortality rate in the Western hemisphere, and lags far behind the rest of Latin America and the Caribbean. Its maternal mortality ratio was 630 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2005-06, up from 523 deaths per 100,000 between 1993 and 2000. Health professionals attributed this sharp increase in maternal mortality to the continued practice of home deliveries and instability in the country, which left women and girls without adequate delivery and postnatal care. Haiti has failed to keep up with the improvements attained in the other countries in the region.

Before the earthquake, obstacles preventing women and girls from accessing maternal care included: lack of services or services that were uneven, inadequate, and funded only in the short-term; difficult or delayed access to services; and fear of sexual violence, which prevented them from leaving home to seek care. A 2009 report showed that the prevalence of home deliveries increases during crises in Haiti and the “fear of rape often inhibits women and girls from seeking the care they need, including safer deliveries by a trained healthcare worker.” Further evidence shows that women and girls still “face[d] significant risk due to poor quality of service and insufficient availability of equipment and supplies” even when delivering in health facilities and emergency obstetrical centers, while neonatal care remained largely unavailable. “Every day is a crisis,” one public health professional said in 2008. Before the earthquake, the health system in Haiti, under the auspices of the Ministry of Public Health and Population (MSPP), struggled to implement even the Minimal Initial Service Package (MISP) for Reproductive Health in Crisis Situation.

Some improvements have been made to increase the number of women and girls receiving prenatal care. In 2005-06, 85 percent of women and girls benefitted from some access to prenatal care, compared to 68 percent a little over a decade before. Nevertheless, only half of pregnant women and girls have the 4 prenatal visits that the World Health Organization (WHO) recommends.

But improvements in access to prenatal care have not equally benefitted all women and girls in Haiti, where physical accessibility of health facilities is a strong predictor of their use. Women and girls living in rural communities and outside the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area are less likely to have access to antenatal care. Despite this, before the earthquake, some progress had been made in increasing the number of women and girls in rural areas who received care.

Increased access to prenatal care did not necessarily translate into increased numbers of women and girls delivering in facilities. In 2005-06, less than 25 percent of births took place in a health facility. Overwhelmingly, these births were to women with greater incomes. Just over 78 percent of births attended by medical professionals were to women in the top economic quintile, while only 5.9 percent were to women from the poorest quintile. A 2007 study found that security concerns, cost of transportation and other economic barriers, as well as expectations of poor care at public facilities, account for the low number of births attended by medical professionals.

Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

Gender-based violence is common in Haiti. Over the past two decades, high rates of domestic and sexual violence against women and girls exacerbated already high levels of economic and political insecurity. Furthermore, various regimes in Haiti have used sexual violence as a tool of repression. Some evidence suggests that politically motivated sexual violence occurred under the dictatorships of François and Jean-Claude Duvalier between 1957 and 1986. Human Rights Watch and other organizations documented the use of rape and assault as a form of political oppression during the Cédras regime and post-coup period from October 1991 to May 1993. By 2000, criminal gangs used sexual violence and threats of sexual violence to terrorize communities.

In the 2004 to 2006 political conflicts, “widespread and systematic rape and other sexual violence against girls” remained a concern. The UN estimated that up to 50 percent of girls living in conflict zones in Port-au-Prince were victims of rape or sexual violence, with reports of widespread collective or “gang” rape. A survey of the metropolitan area found that 3.1 percent of women and girls, or an estimated 35,000, were sexually assaulted from February 2004 to December 2006, with over half of all victims younger than 18 years old, and almost 1 in 6 aged less than 10 years of age.

A Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) facility in Port-au-Prince provided treatment to 500 rape survivors during roughly the same period (January 2005 to June 2007). Its statistics also reveal that a significant proportion of the victims of sexual violence were girls: 2 percent of the victims were under 5 years old; 10.6 percent were between 5 and 12; and 27.5 percent were between 13 and 18. MSF also found that 67 percent of victims did not know their attackers; 68 percent of victims reported multiple attackers; and 66 percent of victims were threatened with a gun. The Haitian Group for the Study of Kaposi’s Sarcoma and Opportunistic Infections (GHESKIO Center), a medical center in Port-au-Prince, reported treating 422 cases of rape in 2005; the same year women’s organizations Solidarity of Haitian Women (Solidarité Fanm Ayisyen, SOFA) and Kay Fanm treated 112 and 188 cases of rape respectively.

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Haiti refugee camp

For an untold number of women and girls in Haiti, the aftershocks of the January 12, 2010 earthquake has been unending. Aftershocks, in the form of rape and sexual assault.


Haiti - The Real Aftershock

jenA report in the summer of 2010 revealed a shocking situation for Haitian women living in displacement camps following the January earthquake. Jeniffer Timmons investigates

 In May and June 2010, two delegations of U.S. lawyers, community researchers and a women’s health specialist visited Port-au-Prince to investigate the prevalence of rape and other violence against displaced persons living in camps.

Over 50 survivors of rape or attempted rape were interviewed.

The vast majority of the women who were interviewed reported being raped by two or more individuals, who were unknown to them and almost always armed with guns, knives or other weapons.

RAPE IN THE CAMPS

Most of the women interviewed reported being raped by two or more individuals, and stated they would not be able to identify their rapists for the following reasons:

  • the rapes occurred at night
  • the perpetrators wore masks covering their faces, or wore sunglasses
  • the trauma of the event impaired their memory

According to MADRE, the women said they could sometimes remember details such as stature, color of hair, clothing, or if their attacker had body piercings or tatoos. They commonly identified the perpetrators as coming from neighborhood gangs or from prison.

There were only a few crimes where rapes were accompanied by other crimes, such as robbery.

AFTERMATH OF RAPE

Rape survivors suffer both psychological and physiological damage.

Humanitarian delegations have found that women who have been raped show post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, including: inability to sleep, nervousness,  nightmares, and signs of depression, with more than a few attempting suicide.

Most all of the survivors complained of some physical discomfort resulting from their rape: stomach pains, headache, difficulty walking, vaginal bleeding and/or infection.

Some also experienced more visible physical evidence from beatings or stabbings. There is also the stigma of contracting HIV or becoming pregnant as a result.

To compound their physical and psychological problems,  representatives of MADRE found that the majority of the  women did not seek medical care for a number of reasons:

  • lack of knowledge of where to find services
  • lack of knowledge that services were provided free of charge
  • inability to pay for transport to get to a medical clinic
  • fear of retaliation and stigma

If survivors did make it to a clinic, they often faced lack of privacy, limited access to female providers, unavailability of emergency contraception and HIV prophylaxis, and extended waiting times. Many left without seeking the care they desperately needed.

They also left without medical certificates documenting that they had been raped; some judges and other law enforcement authorities reportedly demanded such documents in order for their cases to be heard.

Most women seemed to be unaware that medical certificates were necessary.

JUSTICE (and lack thereof)

In nearly all instances, women who reported sexual violence crimes to the police were ignored or mocked.

Amnesty International's report in March 2010 reported “thousands of women living in temporary camps around Haiti are threated by sexual violence and have inadequate protection from any authorities...The lack of measures to prevent and respond adequately to the threat of sexual violence is contributing to the humanitarian crisis.”

MADRE, and other human rights organizations report little or no justice for rape and sexual assault, due to lack of access to legal services and unwillingness of police to respond.

Fear of retaliation, stigma of rape, threats by the perpetrator to the victim and her family if she/they report the crime, low likelihood of rapist being caught and tried, as well as police corruption present great obstacles for those seeking justice.

None of the interviewees were aware of safe places or shelter where they could go; a few were raped on more than one occasion after the earthquake.

There is no tradition of publicly funded legal aid in Haiti, making vulnerable populations even more vulnerable, with little or no resources to relocate.

The lack of a meaningful response on the part of the Haitian Government to the rape crisis in displacement camps is a result of both lack of resources and lack of political will. The loss of officers and police stations from the earthquake seriously compromised the ability of police to maintain security and enforce the law.

A major issue is a lack of female officers in police stations; women survivors are generally uncomfortable reporting crimes to male officers. Not all police stations have specialized officers on staff to hear gender-based complaints, but it has been suggested by various organizations that at least there should be female officers at every station to whom such crimes can be reported.

In June 2010, the UN, via Bangladesh, sent a contingent of an all-female force to help patrol the camps, which had been welcomed by Haitian women. However, the effect of their presence has been minimal as the female troops do not speak neither Haitian Creole nor French, thereby making meaningful communication with Haitian women nearly impossible.

Medecins Sans Frontieres reported 300 rapes in the first two months after the earthquake.

Women and girls live in inadequate shelter, often sleeping under nothing more than a tarp or blanket, with no means of protection and no friends close by, and bathe in public, in view of men and boys.”

Similar stories of bleak conditions about the displacement camps  which foster rampant sexual violence from news outlets and humanitarian organizations informs us that much as not changed since the days following the earthquake in January.

The Director General of the Haitian Police, Mario Andresol, stated in an interview that there had been only 20 cases of rape reported to the police from January?March in the capital.

What also is obvious is how little respect claims of sexual violence get justice, let alone acknowledgment.

When questioned by an Al Jazeera news correspondent about the regular reports of rape in a camp adjacent to a UN base, UN Police Spokesperson Jean?Francois Rezina discounted the women’s stories, saying it simply was not true and that the UN “[did] not have any information about rapes every night.”

Shame on the UN for this shocking lack of insensitivity.

The women and girls of Haiti should  not have to resign themselves  to accept that rape and sexual assault is a matter of course, due to their dire living circumstances.

HAITIAN LAW

Prosecuting Rape Under  Domestic Haitian Law

Constitution of Haiti (ratified 1987, suspended '88-'89, fully reinstated 1994)

Title III - Basic Rights and Duties of the Citizen, Chapter II – Basic Rights, Section A – Right to Life and Health Article 19:

“The State has the absolute obligation to guarantee the right to life, health, and respect of the human person for all citizens without distinction, in conformity with the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man.”

SOURCES

Madre

Medicins San Frontieres

Amnesty International

Wikipedia

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